Eritrean Independence Day: Why the diaspora is at war with itself

Last week, police in London released photos of Eritreans wanted for their involvement in an attack in December, when they stormed a pro-government event taking place at a theatre in Camberwell and injured several officers.

“The level of violence used against officers, who were there to keep the public safe and protect people in a theatre, is some of the worst I have seen,” said a detective investigating the matter.

“We have so far arrested 44 people for a number of offences relating to this demonstration and continue to make progress, however, there are still outstanding a number of suspects that we need the public’s help to identify.”

The Blue Revolution’s action is having some effect, as the Swiss authorities have refused permission for this year’s national day celebrations to take place.

Eritrea’s embassy in Switzerland said it was appalled, accusing the authorities of appeasing “violent thugs”.

The Dutch city of Rijswijk has also banned the independence day gatherings.

Mr Robel admits that things may have initially got out of hand at some events, but says that Birgade Ni’hamedu members have also been targeted.

“In the beginning, there was no leadership that would manage things and take safety responsibly – as a result many of our members became victims of violence,” he said.

“But now in all countries, leaders of Brigade Ni’hamedu are providing awareness about protest laws.

“In co-ordination with law enforcement forces, we shall continue our resistance.”

This is because he is aware that it is not only his contemporaries who have been radicalised.

A generation of Eritreans born in the diaspora, whose families are more aligned to the government, have also been mobilised.

The ruling PFDJ has set up a youth wing for the diaspora, described by one of its officials as a “militant” group.

Set up in 2005, the Young People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (YPFDJ) was created to expose “the lies spread by the enemies of Eritrea”, according to the state-owned news site.

Some of those recruited have even travelled to Eritrea to take part in military training at the notorious Sawa Training Camp – though unlike conscripts born in Eritrea, they can leave.

In fact, President Isaias, who has never ended his country’s war footing, introduced a new system of governance in 2017, known as the “Four Defiance Fronts”:

Daniel Teklai, an Eritrean based in California in the US who describes himself as a nationalist rather than PFDJ supporter, told the BBC this envisaged the diaspora as an “economic zone”.

The 53-year-old banking professional says it is wrong to see the many Eritreans in the diaspora who send back remittances in the spirit of patriotism as having blind allegiance to the PFDJ.

Mr Daniel has spoken out against the government in the past, but says his patriotic fervour was revived during the recent two-year war in Tigray, the northern province of Ethiopia, which is on Eritrea’s border.